Global Alignments in the Palestinian Issue: The Most Unequal Confrontation in History
It could be said that the Palestinian struggle is one of the most unequal confrontations in history because the Palestinians are not only facing the present ultra-right Israeli state and Jewish settlers but also an enormous array of official and unofficial, as well as open and hidden, alliances of powerful individuals and political, economic, cultural, and religious institutions around the world. This article addresses this alignment and confrontation.
Since the establishment of the Israeli state, ensuring its security and expanding its influence has been an integral part of US policy in the Middle East, a policy that has, to varying degrees, been a significant aspect of the ‘doctrines’ of all fourteen US presidents, whether Democrat or Republican, in power since 1947. Even though, after the Cold War escalated, US leadership sought to approach Arab countries and prevent Soviet influence, Israel’s priority for the US was never in doubt. Whenever Israel came under some pressure from US leadership, it evaded this by leveraging other forms of support and pulling US leadership into line with its policies. Interestingly, while almost all US presidents over the past 75 years have had some disagreements with Israel over certain policies, for various reasons, they were never able to stand decisively against it, and Israel continued with its preferred policies:
US Imperialism
– Truman (1947-1953): Although Truman did not have a particularly enthusiastic pro-Israel policy, he supported it due to pressure from Republicans and the need for a powerful ally in the region. He was one of the staunchest supporters of the UN plan to partition Palestine and the creation of Israel, as well as the implicit approval of the occupation of territories beyond the UN Partition line.
– Eisenhower (1953-1961): While offering unconditional support to Israel, including military and financial assistance, Eisenhower was more concerned about Soviet influence in the region and aimed to engage Arab countries. His administration adopted a policy of supporting any Arab country fighting against communism. He also facilitated the collaboration between Israel and the Shah of Iran by arranging the 1953 coup against Dr. Mossadegh’s government, turning Iran into a new base for US influence. During the Suez Crisis in 1956, he supported the withdrawal of Israel, France, and the UK from the Sinai and Suez Canal areas in order to put pressure on the Soviet Union to withdraw from Hungary.
– Kennedy (1961-1963): Kennedy fully supported Israel but tried to balance this support with closer ties to the Arabs.
– Johnson (1963-1969): Johnson faced Israel’s occupation of new territories during the Six-Day War of 1967. Initially, he called for Israel’s withdrawal from the occupied territories, but congressional pressures and the Israeli lobby forced him to back down.
– Nixon (1969-1974): Nixon was a strong supporter of Israel but also valued Anwar Sadat’s initiative to dismantle Soviet bases in Egypt and foster closer ties between Egypt and the US. During the October War of 1973, Nixon was satisfied with Egypt’s surprise attack on Israel but promptly assisted Israel in its counteroffensive and later in the post-war negotiations.
– Ford (1974-1977): Ford continued supporting Israel.
– Carter (1977-1981): Carter pressured Israel to negotiate with the Palestinians and return territories occupied after 1967. However, Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, who refused to give up even a small portion of the occupied territories, cleverly accepted Carter’s peace initiatives with Egypt, including the Camp David Accords. Despite not fully implementing the terms of the agreement, Carter could do little but express frustration.
– Reagan (1981-1989): Reagan was perhaps the strongest US supporter of Israel but also clashed with some Israeli policies. Under Reagan, Israel began receiving significant financial aid from the US and became involved in many US-backed economic projects. However, when Israel bombed Iraq’s nuclear reactor, the US voted against Israel at the UN Security Council and strongly opposed Israel’s formal annexation of the Golan Heights. Reagan also opposed the establishment of a Palestinian state but entertained the idea of a self-governing authority in cooperation with Jordan.
– Bush Sr. (1989-1993): Bush supported Israel but had disagreements with Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir, particularly over continued Israeli settlement expansion in occupied territories. When Israel ignored US demands, Bush conditioned US loans and financial aid to ensure they would not be used for settlement construction. This restriction was lifted when Yitzhak Rabin became prime minister, and settlement expansion resumed.
– Clinton (1993-2001): Clinton worked to broker peace agreements between Israel and Palestine, resulting in the Oslo Accords, which, as discussed elsewhere, created a Palestinian self-rule similar to a colony run by local rulers. Despite controversies surrounding the Camp David Summit, Clinton was unable to facilitate a meaningful two-state solution. When Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak hesitated to implement the agreements, Clinton could do little more than express anger.
– Bush Jr. (2001-2009): With neoconservatives in key government positions, Bush was an unwavering supporter of Israel, but he opposed Israel’s construction of a wall between the West Bank and Israel, particularly inside Palestinian territories. His administration also clashed with Israel during the 2002 siege of Palestinian cities in the West Bank, especially after a Hamas suicide bombing. Bush insisted that Israel end the siege, but Israeli pressure groups in Washington forced him to back down and call Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon ‘a man of peace’. Bush also proposed the “Roadmap for Peace,” which, despite much fanfare, led nowhere, primarily because of Sharon’s unilateral decision to withdraw from Gaza and dismantle Jewish settlements there.
– Obama (2009-2017): Obama verbally supported Palestine but did little to advance the cause. He convened two peace conferences, but they achieved nothing.
– Trump (2017-2020): Trump discarded any pretense of neutrality and unconditionally supported Israel, pressuring Arab authoritarian regimes to forget the Palestinian issue and engage with Israel through the “Abraham Accords,” moved the American Embassy to Jerusalem, and recognized the occupation of the Golan Heights.
– Biden (2021-2024): Biden fully supported Israel, immediately visiting Israel after the October 7 Hamas attack, participating in the Israeli war cabinet, something no other US president had done, and with few exceptions, unconditionally supplied arms to Israel’s right-wing coalition.
In general, US presidents and their administrations, whether to safeguard American imperialist interests, for religious reasons, or due to pressure groups (which will be discussed below), have provided unwavering support to Israel as one of their most important allies. Now, with the return of Trump to power, American support for Israel is moved to a higher level, to the extent that he has wishfully declared to own, depopulate, and rebuild Gaza! It is also worth noting that aside from the US, other Western powers, especially the UK and Germany, have always been staunch supporters of Israel. Russia has also been an ally of Israel, and even during the Soviet era, despite providing extensive military aid to Egypt, Syria, and some other Arab nations, Russia never seriously opposed Israel and, early on, naively supported Israel with the belief that it could serve as a socialist base in the region. This article mainly focuses on the influential supporters of Israel in the US, which is its most important ally.
Military Industries and Investment
Control over the Middle East is of vital importance not only because of the significance of oil but also due to the geopolitical importance of the region for maintaining US interests. Although the primary military focus of the US has previously been on the Soviet Union and now China and Russia, it has never underestimated the importance of the Middle East. It is clear that not all conflicts in the Middle East are related to Israel, but Israel’s expansionist policies have always been key factors in the growth of the US military and ‘defence’ industries. Not only is Israel one of the main consumers and customers of US defence products – despite being one of the top ten largest military exporters in the world today – but Middle Eastern countries have also been among the largest importers of weapons from the US. The US policy is to maintain Israel’s unquestioned military and defence superiority. Israel has access to the most advanced offensive military tools, ranging from aircraft and helicopters to destroyers, submarines, tanks, missiles, and various bombs, including ‘smart’ bombs. Moreover, Israel is more involved than any other country in the vast US intelligence and espionage network. In addition to being a nuclear power, Israel has had complex chemical and biological weapons programs without signing international conventions.
Thus, the arms manufacturing lobby constantly supports candidates for Congress and the presidency who advocate for increasing tension and the demand for military equipment around the world, including in the Middle East. The US Department of Defense budget, which is the largest employer in the country, is approximately $800-billion, over 50% of which is spent on defence contracts with companies. The ten largest US defence contractors are among the largest and most profitable companies in the country and are among the largest employers. For example, Lockheed Martin, which manufactures fighter planes, warships, missiles, rockets, and drones, has 114,000 employees; Raytheon, which makes guided missiles, has 174,000 employees; General Dynamics, which builds submarines and destroyers, has 100,000 employees; and in total, more than 3.5 million people work in the US military industry. The size of the US military market exceeds $613-billion. Without the continued expansion of these companies, the US economy would face problems, and this expansion requires ongoing wars and conflicts in the world. Without war and international tensions, these giant companies would go bankrupt. Of course, just as the US frames its interventions in other parts of the world under the deceptive guise of promoting ‘democracy’, it has also popularized the attractive term ‘arms for peace’ for weapons sales!
However, the role of defence industries in US foreign policy and its relationship with Israel does not end here. A more critical issue involves venture capital investment, which comprises billions of dollars in domestic and foreign capital seeking opportunities to invest in newly established startups with the potential for rapid growth and high profitability. With the rapid advancement of technology and artificial intelligence, the number of these companies is expanding swiftly, and one of the most lucrative sectors is the military industry. While these companies cannot substitute or compete with primary military industries or so-called ‘Original Equipment Manufacturers’ (OEMs), they have achieved considerable success in areas such as drone manufacturing, information technology, software, and electronic components, drawing in substantial amounts of capital. There is currently no regulation or oversight from the US government regarding how these investments operate, and they either do not pay taxes or evade them. Interestingly, a significant portion of this investment originates from government financial assets holdings known as ‘sovereign wealth funds’, with the largest investors being oil-rich Arab countries. For instance, Abu Dhabi has $853-billion, Kuwait $750-billion, and Saudi Arabia $650-billion invested in sovereign wealth funds, a considerable portion of which is designated for venture capital investments in the military sector. According to Shana Marshall in her interview with Analyses, part of the hidden agenda behind Donald Trump’s “Abraham Accords” was to harness these investments from Arab governments into Israeli technology industries, and even after his electoral defeat, his son-in-law Jared Kushner arranged for fundraising from Arabs and Israelis to invest in these military industries. (It should be noted that Israel’s technological industries, primarily military, account for 18% of its GDP and 50% of its exports and have been actively seeking new capital, with Arab sheikhs eagerly ready to enter the field. However, the recent Hamas attack and the ensuing war disrupted this trend, resulting in a 46% decline in investment during October and November compared to the previous year.)
In summary, the military industries and capitalists in this sector wield significant influence and power over US foreign policy and its support for Israel. Backing regional dictatorships, particularly Egypt – one of the largest recipients of US military aid and part of the ‘arms for peace’ policy – also serves to maintain non-hostile relations with Israel. The role of military industries and the export of military products by other countries, including the UK, Germany, France, Sweden, China, and Russia, must not be overlooked; without war and tension, global capitalism is at risk!
Global Jewish Zionist Organizations
At the global level, the highest organizational authority of the Zionist movement is the “World Zionist Organization,” which is the continuation of the 1897 Herzl Zionist Congress. The 38th Congress of this organization was held in Jerusalem in 2022. The congress elections are based on a regional quota system, in addition to 100 representatives from Jewish organizations such as B’nai B’rith (a cultural organization focused on preserving Jewish culture and combating anti-Semitism, which is active in most countries, as well as in universities) and the World Zionist Women’s Organization (WIZO), the World Sephardic Federation (WSF), and several other Zionist organizations. The World Zionist Organization also has a significant settlement section that raises money for Jewish settlers. Another important organization, which serves as an operational arm of the World Zionist Organization, is the “Jewish Agency,” which was established in 1929. Its main task is to facilitate Jewish immigration to Israel and help settle the immigrants once they are there. According to Jewish Agency statements, they transferred over three million Jews to Israel.
US Pro-Israel Jewish Organizations
American Jews, who make up the second-largest Jewish population in the world after Israel, represent a very small percentage of the US population – around six million and three hundred thousand in 2023 – but due to their social, economic, and political standing and their organizational structure, they are among the most influential and powerful minorities in the US. As John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt point out in their important book The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy, the term “Jewish lobby” that is so often used is not, in fact, accurate, as not all American Jews share the same views on Israel. The authors refer to a 2004 poll showing that 36% of American Jews did not consider themselves connected to Israel. At the beginning of the Zionist movement, as mentioned in another writing, many American Jews did not strongly support it. However, their views changed after the Holocaust, even though after the establishment of Israel, there was no significant effort to emigrate from America to Israel. Steve Rosenthal, in Long-Distance Nationalism, suggests that some secular American Jews, who avoided religious constraints but wanted to preserve Jewish culture, linked their identity to a secular Jewish state thousands of miles away.
Nevertheless, despite differing opinions, the majority of American Jews who are unwavering supporters of Israel have played a decisive and extremely influential role in securing US government support for Israel. The main mechanism for this has been the creation of various organizations that influence American civil society and policymakers. The American Jewish Yearbook lists 89 Jewish organizations in the US. The overarching organization, Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations (CoP), includes 52 different groups.
The most famous and powerful organization is the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC). This is the main lobbying group for the pro-Israel American Jews, founded in 1953. In the US political system, where running for legislative and presidential offices requires millions of dollars, AIPAC plays a crucial role in electing representatives and senators and preventing the election of Israeli critics. Every year, AIPAC raises millions of dollars and spends them on advertising in support of its preferred candidates. AIPAC is one of the most important political lobbies in the US and is second only to the American Association of Retired Persons (AARP), with its 35 million members, and is even more influential than the well-known National Rifle Association (NRA). In the US, there is a law called the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), which requires individuals or organizations that work on behalf of a foreign government to register and disclose their activities. However, this law does not apply to AIPAC! In the US electoral system, Political Action Committees (PACs) are tax-exempt organizations that can raise and spend money on behalf of or against specific candidates, and Israel has various types of PACs or “super PACs.”
In addition to AIPAC, other important organizations of pro-Israel American Jews work directly and officially concerning Israel and secure US government and public support for Israel. Some of the most notable ones, as mentioned by Mearsheimer and Walt include: The Zionist Organization of America (ZOA), The Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), The Jewish Council for Public Affairs (JCPA), Israel Policy Forum (IPF), Middle East Forum (MEF), Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP), Anti-Defamation League (ADL), Reform Jewish Movement (RJ), American Friends of Likud (AFL), American Jewish Committee (AJC), Americans for a Secure Israel (ASI), and America Israel Education Foundation (AIEF).
Another important organization, distinct from AIPAC, was founded by a group of liberal American Jews in 2008. While supporting Israel, this group emphasizes the need for peace between Israel and Palestine and advocates for a two-state solution. They named their organization J-Street. In Washington, streets are named alphabetically, and there is no “J” street; most major lobbies, including AIPAC, are located on the adjacent K-street. This group differs from AIPAC both in theory and practice and has played a significant role in challenging AIPAC’s monopoly. Conservative pro-Israel Jewish elements strongly oppose the efforts of liberal and moderate Jews. The book The Israel Lobby references a case from the mid-1970s when a group of American Jews created a new organization called Breira (meaning “Alternative”), advocating for Israel’s withdrawal from the occupied territories after 1967 and establishing contacts with Palestinians, but they faced strong backlash from right-wing Jewish groups.
Neocons and Israel-Friendly Think Tanks
Neoconservatives, or neocons, who gained significant influence in US politics and society starting from the 1970s alongside the expansion of neoliberalism, attained immense power after the events of September 11. In terms of foreign policy, they became advocates of unchallenged American hegemony over the world and the suppression of any global rival, openly endorsing the use of force and military power to advance this agenda. A significant portion of the neocons are American Jews, and all neocons consider Israel to be America’s most important ally in pursuing their desired policies. They are present in all areas of American social, political, and economic life, particularly in media outlets and think tanks, which shape public opinion in the US. These media, apart from those controlled by evangelical Christian Zionists, are crucial tools in advancing their influence.
Their role in influential right-wing think tanks is also noteworthy. Kurt Andersen, in his captivating book Evil Geniuses, describes the creation of reactionary think tanks by right-wing factions and their role in spreading disinformation and influencing public discourse, including through articles, seminars, and media appearances. These think tanks also play a significant part in shaping legal frameworks, establishing a network of right-wing lawyers, and appointing reactionary judges at various levels of the judicial system. The think tanks actively work to influence elections and advocate for Israel-friendly candidates. Despite their diverse backgrounds, the role of radical Jewish leaders in managing these think tanks is prominent, and all, regardless of whether secular, Christian, or Jewish, are staunch Israel supporters.
Among the many right-wing think tanks, some of the most notable are the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), the Center for Security Policy (CSP), the Hudson Institute, the Hoover Institute, the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP), and the Project for the New American Century (PNAC).
Universities and Educational Institutions
One of the most important areas of activity for pro-Israel factions is in universities and educational institutions. Many influential pro-Israel individuals, either due to their social or academic standing or because of their financial support to universities, sit on the boards of prestigious universities in the US, Canada, and other countries, where they play an important role in shaping institutional policies. Given the importance of academic freedom in these universities, their operations are carried out with greater subtlety. These groups’ activities in academia intensified after the Oslo Accords. The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) has spent large sums educating pro-Israel students and countering Palestinian-supporting professors and students, organizing numerous meetings and trips for this purpose. The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) also began compiling dossiers on professors critical of Israel. In 2002, Daniel Pipes, one of the most hardline pro-Israel activists, launched a new project called Campus Watch, which functions like a ‘thought police’ on Israeli-related discussions. Pro-Israel factions, through their members in Congress, have pressured the US government to cut research funding to Middle Eastern studies institutions that are not friendly to Israel.
Evangelicals and Christian Zionists
Perhaps the most important and powerful allies of Israel in the US are Evangelical Christians. While American Jews are a small minority, Evangelicals are estimated to number over 40 million. They believe in Armageddon, the final battle between good and evil, and the return of Christ, during which the Jews’ return to the promised land is seen as a prerequisite. Despite differences among various Evangelical sects, they largely agree on this core belief.
The most prominent Evangelical institution is Liberty University in Virginia, founded by televangelist Jerry Falwell, which has 96,000 students and a $1.7-billion endowment. Evangelicals, with their vast media resources and wealth garnered from naive and superstitious followers, have grown increasingly powerful, influencing US politics. Falwell, who created the Moral Majority organization, helped strengthen the extreme right in American politics. When Israel occupied Jerusalem and other territories in 1967, Evangelicals were thrilled, believing that the Jews had finally regained control of Jerusalem, thus setting the stage for Christ’s return.
The major Evangelical leaders, including Billy Graham, Jerry Falwell, and Pat Robertson, shared close relationships with neoconservatives and Israel. Falwell was a close ally of Israel’s Likud Party, and in 1980, Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin awarded him the Jabotinsky Medal. The prominent Evangelical figure Pat Robertson was one of Israel’s most ardent supporters.
Evangelical leaders became more active after the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel. According to the Jerusalem Post, on the anniversary of the event, evangelical leaders “representing a quarter of a billion Christians”, in a show of solidarity, hosted the largest event of its kind in support of Israel. The gathering included influential figures from two of the largest evangelical denominations: the Southern Baptist Convention and the Assemblies of God. Mike Evans of the Friends of Zion and Mike Huckabee, Baptist Minister and Fox News commentator, were among conservative pro-Israel evangelists helping Trump to win the presidency. Huckabee, who formally says that there is no such thing as Palestine, there is no such thing as the West Bank or settlements, is now the designated US Ambassador to Israel.
In summary, a network of political, economic, cultural, and religious institutions, supported by numerous media outlets and tens of millions of right-wing followers, influences US policy and the elections of political leaders across all three branches of government. The right-wing factions that support Israel readily advance the core Zionist policies of population replacement and land expropriation. The role of other global actors, including powerful European countries and authoritarian Arab or Islamic states, which are often focused on their own political and economic survival, cannot be ignored.
The Palestinian Side of the Global Alignment
Against the aforementioned global alignment, the Palestinian people and their movement stand, supported by the progressive forces of the world. However, it can be said that this is one the most unequal confrontations in history. The Palestinian people, under the harshest conditions, have maintained their ‘iron will’ in front of the ‘iron wall’ of the Zionists, yet they have been severely weakened. This reality is especially true for the progressive and secular Palestinian forces, who, instead of leading the movement, face, on one side, religious fundamentalist forces seeking to establish an Islamic state within the pre-1948 borders and, on the other side, a weak, compromising, and corrupt self-governing authority. In this global confrontation, Palestinians have virtually been alone. All Arab countries and the Islamic regime in Iran that got involved in the Palestinian conflict were following their own interests.
There is no doubt that global progressive forces have not held back their moral support for the Palestinian movement. The widespread demonstrations around the world in favour of the Palestinian people and against the extreme right-wing Israeli government, along with initiatives like the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against Israel, and activities of progressive Jewish organizations such as Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) exemplify this support. However, this moral backing is by no means sufficient and must be directed in a more organized manner. In addition to confronting the present ultra-right government and settlers directly, the Palestinian movement needs a publicity campaign to rally organized solidarity in the Arab world, the Middle East, and beyond. Unfortunately, during the recent Gaza conflict, people in Arab countries mostly remained silent, likely due to the repressive security policies of their governments but also their own indifference to the Palestinian cause. Arab governments have largely aligned with the US agenda, offering only token resistance, and the present Iranian regime tried to use Palestine to pursue its anti-Israeli policy. Many wealthy Palestinians in the US and Europe appear content to build luxurious summer villas for themselves in certain villages of Palestine. While the Palestinian movement indeed lacks the financial and media resources that the Zionists possess, it can benefit from improved organization and collective support.
Portraying this unequal confrontation might wrongly promote despair and acceptance of defeat. Despite all the challenges, the progressive Palestinian forces have no choice but to organize themselves and choose a decisive yet realistic strategy to garner stronger popular support within Palestine and to gain the support of progressive forces in Israel, the Arab world, and globally. Ultimately, we must remain hopeful for the resolution of the Palestinian conflict and real peace in the Middle East. •
The original Farsi version was published on the Pecritique website.
